September 5, 1971

Sunday

I have just met with the Sol Gen. ([Felix] Antonio) Gen. [Manuel] Yan, [Romeo] Espino, [Rafael] Ileto, [Fidel] Ramos, [Fabian] Ver and Col’s. [Ignacio] Paz, [Prospero] Olivas and Uy on the order of the Supreme Court to submit the report of the AFP [Armed Forces of the Philippines] on the State of Public Order, the AFP manpower strength and appropriations for the last ten years, the aid from the U.S. and the [Victor] de la Serna (Delegate) chairman of the Committee on Civil and Political Rights in the Concon [Constitutional Convention]).

And the two-year plan as well as the original plan to win me over insidiously to the communist infiltration of government has to be revealed.

I remember that as soon as I became President there were quiet and determined efforts to win me over to the communist cause. Since I am a liberal and a radical thinker, this was the entreé. “I should strengthen the liberals (thinkers) in government.”

Antonio Araneta, father of Radical delegate Antonio (Tonypet) Araneta, should be appointed to the Supreme Court.

[Jose B.] Laurel[, Jr.] should be Speaker. He should be allowed to create the Cepo [Congressional Economic Planning Office] with the known radical, [Jose?] Yap, as chairman.

I should eliminate the standing Army and put in a citizens army. I should remove all the U.S. Military bases in the Philippines.

We should not do anything to agitate the HMB’s [Hukbong Mapagpalaya ng Bayan] in Central Luzon. We should limit ourselves to economic development and avoid military operations.

These advices came from Sens. [Lorenzo] Tañada, [Jose] Diokno, [Salvador and Jose B.] Laurel (both Sen. and Speaker).

Even Jose Maria Sison and his group of Maoist spouting men came to see me.

But I was alarmed by their persistence. Even Joaquin (Chino) Roces, the publisher of the Manila Times followed the same line, although he was more subtle. He claimed to be a reformer, not a communist.

When the Constitution of the New Communist Party of the Philippines was being written, he would come to me with parts of the Constitution which I Transmitted to J-2 [Deputy Chief of Staff for Intelligence] and my intelligence net for analysis.

And Chino would alternate between being the innocent messenger and the all-knowing co-conspirator in the communist plot. He would inform me of the restlessness of the people, then put in some information about how strong the communists were becoming (he once said they were already 20,000 strong in the City of Manila). The implication was clear—that I should compromise with the communists.

Then he said the communists would burn Manila. At one time or twice his predictions came true. One was the burning of buses and gasoline stations during the jeepney strike and the other was the burning of Sta. Cruz district.

The same thing is true of Teodoro Locsin of the Free Press. His line was that it was unwise to use force or adopt a strong stand against the communists as the guerilla action in the provinces would spread to the city slums where it would be impossible to combat.

In short—do not combat communism. Let it grow.

Had dinner with Ka Erdi (Eraño Manalo head of the Iglesia Ni Cristo). He was convinced that there will ultimately be violent showdown with communism and he is openly against it. His men in Tarlac have been fighting the NPA [New People’s Army] and vice-versa.

He asked that Evangeline Cruz (Helen Marquez) be kept in the KM [Kabataang Makabayan] as an agent. Col. Mag ______ has asked her to testify against Luzvimindo David, Sec. Gen. of the KM but this would expose her and the Iglesia.

He is ready to support six of the Nacionalista senatorial candidates.

He informs me that according to Evangeline Cruz, the KMs, which she says is an openly subversive organization, say that while I am President they cannot mount a revolution but that when I have stepped down it will be easy to take over the government.

11:00 PM September 6, 1971[1]

My book, “Todays Revolution: Democracy” or 14 copies of it has finally been printed to meet the deadline of Sept. 7, 1971 which I set at the end of the book.

It looks well and has been printed well. Some typographical errors on pp. 16 and 17.

In the matter of the Supreme Court case to declare my suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus null and of no effect, the memoranda of the parties have been submitted.

The Solicitor General, at my suggestion, went to see the Chief Justice on the order to submit such things like the latest report on the state of public order, appropriations for the army, aid from the U.S. etc., and the Chief Justice said this was not intended to require the details of the basis of the suspension but to show that there was some basis for suspension and not just a whimsical and mischievous suspension without basis.

Justice Fred Ruiz Castro, who, several weeks ago, had sent word to me through Sen. Jose Roy that he was available for appointment as Secretary of National Defense told Sen. Roy he would decide the case according to his conscience (through the telephone) implying perhaps that he could not be pressured which, of course, Sen. Roy was not trying to do. Justice [Enrique] Fernando is quoted as saying that the arguments of Voltaire Garcia were impressive and that he could be quoted (per the gossip Amelita Reysio Cruz). And Justice [Calixto] Zaldivar is apparently openly against the suspension. These reports make the matter a cause for anxiety.

Ex. Vice Pres. now Sen. [Emmanuel] Pelaez has offered to help by talking to the Justices on the possibility that if they want a private briefing from the executive, they could have one.

Justice [Claudio] Teehankee [Sr.] indicated that Maning Pelaez had conveyed the message (in a telephone conversation with me tonight).

As the deadline for the filing of certificates of candidacy approaches (Thursday, Sept. 9, 1971), we are now almost certain that the Liberals will not be able to put up candidates in 26 provinces and perhaps in 700 municipalities. So their senatorial candidates may all be losers since they would have no provincial support.

Of course, the Liberals will again cry “Fraud” and gave all kinds of excuses for their defeat.

And Manila Times is up to its old tricks again of distorting news. It headlines the report favorably signed by only four senators ([Salvador] Laurel, [Jose] Diokno, [Benigno] Aquino [Jr.] and [Lorenzo] Sumulong) that there is no rebellion by communists but brigandage in the country—“Solons Minimize Red Revolt Threat” and says that “Senate body reports findings’ in its lead story—and only four signed in a committee of at least ten and the Senate has not approved nor discussed the report.

Anyway the malicious purpose is there to use any bit of news to undermine the efforts of the government and the President to unite the people against communism.

The intention is to lull the people and the leaders into complacency.

10:00 PM September 7, 1971[2]

I have condemned the first 14 books with the typographical errors on pp. 16 and 17. They shall be embargoed and kept as my mementoes of our first book in the palace.

Although today we discovered some miss-spelling [sic]: on p. 57 Bonifacio is miss­spelled [sic] Bonifiacio and in p. 104 harassment is spelled with a double “r.”

We will place these in the page on “errata.”

The newspapers are building up the stories of opposition to the suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus and the supposed casualties of the Moslem armed bands (one newspaper refers to them as Barracudas). The Herald says 20 casualties and the Manila Times says 40 dead, obviously with the purpose of pulling the administration and the Constabulary in disrepute.

The suspension has taught us some very clear lessons. One of them is that the greater weapon of subversion now is apparently the media.

The media terrorizes the people and the public officials into inaction against communism. The line is that the curtailment of any forms of activity no matter how extreme or violent is reactionary and violative of the tradition of liberty.

Many of our people are beginning to stop from acting to combat communism because of the adverse reaction of the media.

We are now convinced that the communists are deliberately dumping drugs in the Philippines to corrupt our young.

And the agit-prop activities of the radicals continue.

But we have to await the decision of the Supreme Court.

Although I am reminded of France before the start of the Second World War when the political leadership was paral[y]zed by the media and by demonstrations from protecting the French Republic.

I had to explain with the Dacel or the District and City Engineers League as the forum that the President does not depend on the military alone for intelligence but that I have my own intelligence network which is funded by the Security and Intelligence Fund which is at my disposal. This was done even in relation to the Plaza Miranda bombing. And my intelligence net confirmed that the crime was planned by the NPA [New People’s Army] but not executed by NPA men although the NPA could have been in the rally as security.

These explanations were necessary as the columnists and commentators keep repenting that the military has foisted a big fraud on me with intelligence reports of the communist conspiracy.

With the agreement of Major Ticao and Rep. [Fermin] Caram [Jr.] I have placed the Iloilo Police under the supervision of Lt. Col. Narcise the PC [Philippine Constabulary] Provincial Commander of the province of Iloilo. The nephew of Ex-Sen. [Rodolfo] Ganzon (and a Muntinglupa escapee) the latter’s son in-law are allegedly gunning for Rep. Caram.

Since Sept. 9th is the last day for filing the certificates of candidacy, we are busy settling the conflicts. Ilocos Norte, Lanao del Sur, Misamis Oriental, Leyte.

I have to call all the mayors and NP [Nacionalista] municipal Chairman tomorrow because Gov. Isidro Rodrigo [sic] [Rodriguez] has arranged it so that the Liberals do not put up an opponent against him but we give away the Vice Governor and two board members. The mayors are left to fend for themselves.

11:00 PM September 8, 1971[3]

Wednesday

According to some insiders in the Supreme Court, the suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus will be sustained by an 8-3 vote with Justices [Arsenio] Dizon, [Enrique] Fernando and [Fred Ruiz Castro] Castro dissenting. The decision is supposed to come out on Saturday, my birthday.

The vote of Justice Dizon is understandable. He is a rabid partisan for he is the relative of Sen. Ninoy [Benigno] Aquino [Jr.]. He was openly contemptuous of government arguments during the hearing. But the vote of Justices Enrique Fernando and Fred Ruiz Castro is a disturbing vote. For one thing, several weeks ago, the Jailer (Justice Fred Ruiz Castro) sent me a message through Sen. Jose Roy, that he was now available for appointment as Secretary of National Defense. This was the second message he has sent of the same tenor. I can only conclude that he is a coward because the radicals have been picketing the Supreme Court or he is a big show-off and a hypocrite for when he sent me these messages on the Secretaryship of National Defense he said that he was against the radicals and their plan to take over the government by force. I am certainly glad that I did not appoint him as Secretary of National Defense.

He seems to have some kind of grievance against me notwithstanding the fact that I appointed him to the Supreme Court after they resigned their original midnight appointments made by Pres. [Diosdado] Macapagal.

Justice Fernando is a civil-rightist. But so is Chief Justice [Roberto] Concepcion and Justice J.B. [Jose] Reyes, [Claudio] Teehankee [Sr.] etc. So I can only conclude that he has been influenced by his having had Sen. [Sergio] Osmeña [Jr.] as his client in the malodorous reclamation case of Cebu which I stopped and questioned in court.

And to think that I appointed him justice because he would be scholarly and fair!

A 40 man NPA [New People’s Army] group believed led by Commander Dante [Bernabe Buscayno] and Commander Pusa [Benjamin Sanguyo] ambushed a 10th BCT [Battalion Combat Team] patrol at Barrio Usor, San Agustin, Isabela at 3:30 PM of Sept. 9th and inflicted casualties of 6 KIA [killed in action] and one WIA [wounded in action]. This follows the destruction of two Huey helicopters by grenade launchers fire at the Tactical CP of task Force Lawin at Echague, Isabela.

The Isabela troops are beginning to suffer heavy casualties.

In another ambush at exactly the same time, a 50-man band ambushed another patrol at Barrio Divisoria, Santiago, Isabela but apparently because the soldiers were riding in an armored weapons carrier, no casualties were inflicted.

And the NPA is active in Camarines Sur.

While these incidents prove the truth of our allegations of the communist threat, they do not make me happy a bit.

The LP’s [Liberal Party] and NP’s [Nacionalista Party] have formed a joint provincial ticket so that Gov. [Isidro] Rodriguez has no opponent. But this will prejudice the senators and the mayoralty candidates.

I met the mayors with Gov. Rodriguez and Cong. Frisco San Juan this morning.

I have started to give away the book on Revolution—one to Cong. Frisco San Juan and the second to Delegate Bibit Duavit. Then five copies went to the wire services, one to mother, another to my brother Paking [Pacifico] and five to the Romualdezes.

We were able to correct pp. 16 and 17. But so far we have had 14 original uncorrected copies, then 14 corrected ones, now 50 copies.

12:45 PM September 9, 1971[4]

Thursday

Imee and Irene left by Quantas at 7:30 PM to arrive in London by 5:50 PM tomorrow, Manila time. It seems only yesterday that they arrived on their holiday.

Last night we slept, at the boat after the party for the two birthday celebrants Bongbong and Irene. Finished a book on the French Revolution and Marie Antoinette up to 4:30 AM, woke up at 8:30 AM and went water-skiing up to 10:00 AM.

We were at the Limay Esso pier at 11:00 AM but the program which we held on board because of the mud in the NPC [National Power Corporation] Thermal Plant compound (it rained hard but stopped when we arrived thus further propagating the story of my anting-anting) finished the program at about 1:30 PM. We were on the way back at about 2:30 PM.

I spoke of the Dilemma of the Third World which I propose to entitle my second book—as the violation of the fundamental principle never to fight on two fronts. For while I had suspended the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus for the security of our Republic, we must just as urgently proceed with the development program notwithstanding the scarcity of our resources. And power or its generations and distribution is one of its basic aspects.

For we inaugurated the 75,000 kw Thermal Plant and at the same time laid the cornerstone of the next Thermal Plant of 150,000 kw.

And the demand for electricity increases 20% annually in areas outside Manila or a need of a doubling of our power generations every four years.

So the second book will have to develop both the military requirements and the development requisites of every developing country with the Philippines as the example.

1:30 AM September 10, 197l[5]

Friday

I am now 54 years old as of 12:00 PM

Bongbong left at 8:00 PM tonight. He landed at Bangkok at 11:05 PM.

We met the more than 900 mayors of Visayas and Mindanao.

I signed the new Land Reform Code and its funding.

The meeting with the mayors delegations by province from 11:00 AM to 6:00 PM then a break for dinner and my accompanying Bongbong to the airport and a meeting with the Malacañang Press Club. Then I resumed with Imelda at 10:00 PM and finished at 11:45 PM.

Then met with the Federation of Filipino Chinese Chambers of Commerce.

And Imelda greeted me at exactly 12:00 when we retired so I could receive my gifts from her.

The Manila Daily Bulletin today headlined the UPI [United Press International] report of my book “Today’s Revolution: Democracy” quoting extensively from the Introduction and the Epilogue.

This book is now marked by the headline as against Media and Maoism. It will most probably spawn controversies for some time to come.

I wonder, though, if many of those who will discuss it will understand the theory and ideology that I sought to explain in advisedly simple terms in the book. But precisely because it will be hard to comprehend, I may have to write a simpler version of this simple version that came out of the complicated original manuscript.