Awarded the Order of Sikatuna, Rank of Datu to the Indonesian Minister of State for Defense and Security and Asst. Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces of Indonesia—Gen. Maraden Panggabean. He looks like a capable soldier and has been with Pres. Soeharto and helped as well as cooperated with him in various battles specially against the Dutch and the communists.
He says Indonesia is peaceful but for the 1,000 Chinese communist subversives in Saranak. He laughingly referred to the 10,000 communist prisoners in Pulo Buro (Island of Buro—as in Tagalo Pulo means Island and itik also means duck). A critical article was written a few months ago of the treatment of these 10,000 political prisoners that are supposed to include some of Indonesia’s best thinkers, intellectuals, writers and philosophers who must eke out a living by farming in the island in what was described as a marginal backbreaking type of activity.
Then conferred with Sen. Daniel Inouye after his field trips inspecting the calamity areas.
Official Gazette for September 1, 1972: PRESIDENT and MRS. MARCOS received U.S. Senator Daniel K. Inouye who came to say goodbye before leaving, after making an extensive survey of the flood damage.
“I hope I can be an articulate spokesman on the appalling problems we have here,” Senator Inouye said, “when I make a personal assessment before the Senate and Congress.”
The President and the First Lady thanked the U.S. Senator for his concern for the Filipinos as demonstrated by his trip to the flood areas. They expressed this gratitude on behalf of the people and government of the Philippines, and on their own.
In parting, the President embraced the U.S. senator who, like him had served in World War II, losing his right arm in action. The First Couple bade him bon voyage.
In the course of the day, the President presented the Ancient Order of Sikatuna, rank of datu, to General Maraden Panggabean, Indonesian minister for defense and security and deputy commander-in-chief of the Indon armed forces, in recognition of his contribution to closer understanding and friendship between his country and the Philippines.
In presenting the award, the President expressed the hope that the close understanding now existing between the Philippines and Indonesia shall continue to be further strengthened by frequent exchange, of visits, and that the Philippines and Indonesia, which are joined by geographical propinquity, common ideology, common origin and common destiny, have demonstrated that it is possible for the two countries to move along the lines of the ideals of their forbears long forgotten.
“Today,” the President said, “the successors of those forbears who were once united seek unity beyond mere origin, beyond mere governments, beyond mere countries, but in friendship, affection and amity.”
In accepting the award, General Panggabean expressed the hope that in line with the independent and active foreign policies of the Philippines and Indonesia, they will go hand in hand together towards the promotion of peace and security in Asia and the Pacific.
The Indonesian official was accompanied by Madame Panggabean, Maj. Gen. Hasnan Habib, assistant for general planning; Col. John Paat, Dr. Hidajat Makmin, Lt. Col. Taianus Hutapea and Maj. Effendi Singgih.
Also present at the ceremony besides the visitor’s official entourage were Defense Secretary Juan Ponce Enrile, Ambassador Kusno Utomo, Undersecretary Manuel Q. Salientes, General Romeo Espino, AFP chief of staff; and others.
He confided to me that he did not merely come to see the damage caused by the calamity but also to see the general situation.
And he will carry the message that the U.S. should pay more attention to the Philippines.
He also revealed that Amb. [Henry] Byroade has the same thinking as I have on the communist threat; that we should seek the help of friends like Speaker Carl Albert and Mike Mansfield although the latter is against the extension of military aid.
When he asked me what kind of hardware we need for our armed forces, I explained to him that we are actually buying our small arms from the U.S.; that we do not intend to mount a defense against aggression but against subversion and we would give priority to helicopters, mortars and recoilless rifles; and that we are not asking for additional military funds but to participate in the surplus from Vietnam.
He answered that he would do everything to have us classified in the same priority as Thailand.
He asked me what is going to happen. He explained that he has been told there are four options: 1. Extension of my term 2. A parliamentary form of government 3. I run for reelection 4. Martial law.
I immediately countered that I do not need martial law to win an election and that in the present situation anybody I supported would come out; that I would not agree to allowing the First Lady to run since it would be unfair to her. “’We are too old in this game to need martial law to get votes,” l said and he smiled with understanding.
“However,” I explained, “do not misunderstand me. If the communists sow terror in Manila. If they bomb and burn, kill and kidnap; if they use the Vietcong tactics, then I will not hesitate to proclaim martial law.”
Henry Byroade, U.S. Ambassador to the Philippines, 1969-1973, said in an 1988 Oral History conducted for the Harry S. Truman Library said he tried to dissuade Marcos from martial law: “From doing it. He never used the word “martial law” but he talked about the possible necessity of taking ‘extraordinary measures.’ It was clear he was talking about some kind of curtailment of civil liberties…I felt pretty strongly about the democracy that we put there, our background in the Philippines, and I thought there would be a terrific uproar in Washington if he did. I told him that. But eventually he did it, and I was wrong. I predicted a grudging acceptance on the part of the Philippine people, because democracy at the very village level was really perking along in great fashion. The national past time was politics in the Philippines, and they took it seriously. Everybody was running for sheriff or the president of the school board, or something. I was surprised; the Philippine people–I’d say 85 percent of them–thought that things had reached the stage where martial law was a good idea. They banned things like private armies, and everybody cheered; and they picked up all the loose–not all–but they picked up thousands, hundreds of thousands, of guns that everybody had. I remember in the Bagiuo Country Club, at the reception desk, there was a sign that said, “Check Your Gun Before Entering the Dining Room.”
“What I would prefer would be an extension. But I would accept it only if the political opposition agrees to it. If they do not l will not agree to it.”
“I would then try to be a Prime Minister.” “But I would first wipe out the communists before the new President or Prime Minister takes over so he has a chance. I need several years to build up my replacement. None of those aspiring now are fit to lead the country. [Benigno] Aquino [Jr.] and [Jose] Diokno are demagogues and are communist-inclined. They would immediately set up a communist regime. [Gerardo] Roxas is a weakling. He would not risk his life to protect our freedoms. [Gil] Puyat is an oligarch. He has too many investments to protect.”
“What we need is somebody who is trusted by the Armed Forces, is a liberal thinker, will fight communism and will risk not only his life but everything in this fight.”
“For I cannot believe that Red China can be trusted. She will try to show now she is house-broken but she will help the revolutionaries and communists in the Asian countries. She is going to try and establish an Asian hegemony or a sphere of influence.”
When we talked of what I emphasized was urgently needed—reforms, and explained that I would like to have the private commercial corporations give the fringe benefits doled out by welfare states after taxing the big corporations, he called attention to the fact that Japan does this. The corporation is a big family. All the officers and employees are given the benefits that would go to recipients in a welfare state and when the workers go on strike, they wear a red arm band but keep on working so that they do not prejudice themselves.
Sen. Inouye will be a great help to the Philippines.
Imelda is busy decorating the Big Antique.
Byroade, in an 1988 Oral History conducted for the Harry Truman Library said of Aquino:
“In my first week in Manila, I met secretly once for about four hours with [Benigno] Aquino, who was the head of the opposition. We talked from about 10 o’clock until 2 o’clock in the morning. [Byroade noted that Cory Aquino was present during the entire discussion but didn’t say anything.] I was impressed with him in the beginning, but not later on. I don’t think Aquino would have been the answer for the Philippines… I was extremely impressed with Aquino for the first couple of hours, a very articulate man. He said a lot of nice things about what he wanted to do for the Philippine people and so forth. Towards the end he said things like, “Byroade, don’t make any mistake about me; I want power in the Philippines, and I’m willing to kill to get it, and I’ve done so a lot of times.” You know, it really turned me off on him. Now, the story is that Aquino, during his years in jail and his stay in the United States, turned religious, and became quite a different man. I never saw him after I left the Philippines; I don’t know. People say he wouldn’t have made such a statement later on, but I don’t know.” When asked to comment on Marcos’ involvement in the Aquino assassination, Byroade said: Marcos was a very smart politician, and was far too smart to pull such a stupid thing. My guess is supporters of Marcos killed him deliberately, but I don’t think Marcos did that. It’s Marcos personally now I’m talking about; I’m not talking about the family or anyone else, I’m talking about Marcos as a man. I think he was too smart to have a hand in that.” [151-152]
She tells me, San Juan, without the houses is eerie at night—with the big trees. Something out of Wuthering Heights! She was there last night.